Saturday, June 13, 2009

"A vision for ... an alternative future"

"A vision for ... an alternative future"

Iran and its alleged nuclear weapons program loom large in the "existential peril" rhetoric of Israeli politicians targeting both the U.S. and the public in Israel. The complex reality, though, is largely unknown to the public in Israel and "the west". According to the first piece below by Iran scholar, Shiva Balaghi, a broad-based process of social and political change is ongoing in the Islamic Republic of Iran, galvanized by the current elections, regardless of their outcome. The piece was published by Middle East Report Online, "a free service of the Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP)" at http://www.merip.org/.

Departing from the current repression of culture in Iran, Balaghi implies a vague outline of what the reformist movement seems to want and represent, while assessing the effects of its success in the elections. In "a Mousavi Presidency … there is reason to be hopeful that we would witness another Iranian [cultural] glasnost … Though he [Mousavi] was a member of the Cultural Revolution's council [i.e.: part of the current administration], which hardly bodes well for those invested in artistic and intellectual freedoms, he has by some accounts taken a very passive role in recent years." While the candidate backed by the reformist movement has been a major participant in Iran's Islamic revolution, "his fiery denunciations of Ahmadinejad suggest there will be a break from the status quo."

The second piece, also by Balaghi, was forwarded by a friend who received it via email and permitted to distribute it further. It raises doubts regarding the validity of the elections and reports on serious turmoil in Iran, following annoucement of their suspect results.

Rela Mazali

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http://merip.org/mero/mero061109.html

An Artist as President of the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Shiva Balaghi

June 8, 2009

(Shiva Balaghi is an editor of Middle East Report. Beginning July 2009, she will be a fellow at the Cogut Center for Humanities at Brown University. She would like to thank David Colosi of the Grey Art Gallery for his assistance on this article.)

In the 1960s, Mir Hossein Mousavi wrote that it was an artist's responsibility to help envision an alternative future for society. As the President of Iran, would he deliver on that promise?
Something's happening here. In one of the largest street demonstrations in Tehran since the 1979 Revolution, thousands filled Vali Asr Street (formerly known as Pahlavi Street) on Monday, forming a human chain nearly 12 miles long and stopping traffic for nearly five hours. They wore strips of green cloth around their wrists and heads in support of presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi. They sang "Ey Iran," the unofficial national anthem composed in the Pahlavi era by one of the leading figures of classical Persian music, the late Ruhollah Khaleghi. Banned for a time by the Islamic Republic, the song's lyrical melody touches a deeply patriotic vein.

Oh Iran, oh bejeweled land,
On your soil lies the wellspring of the arts…
Never far from you are my thoughts.
In your cause, what value do our lives have?
May the land of Iran be eternal.

Some of Iran's leading intellectuals and cultural figures have been actively campaigning for Mousavi. They attended a May rally in Azadi Stadium, marking the anniversary of the 1997 election of President Khatami. The Oscar-nominated director Majid Majidi made Mousavi's official campaign video. Over 800 filmmakers and actors signed a public letter published in Iranian newspapers supporting Mousavi's candidacy. Leading directors like Dariush Mehrjui, Mohsen Makhmalbaf, Manijeh Hekmat, and Masoud Kimiai appeared in a ten-minute video, "Green Stars," distributed on YouTube, calling on Iranians to vote -- and to vote for Mousavi. "There will be a day when Iran has a president whose hands are draped in green," says a young woman to the camera, "who paints, listens to music, and reads quality books. His name is Mir Hossein Mousavi." Makhmalbaf reminds viewers that disenchanted voters who protested the last presidential elections by not voting far outnumbered those who voted for Ahmadinejad.

"An artist understands the meaning of responsibility," says the director Masoud Kimiai. An architect and an artist himself, Mousavi has garnered increasing support amongst Iran's culture workers who have faced growing pressures in Ahmadinejad's regime.

"Never have I found those who pursue art and culture so demeaned," says one participant in the video "Green Stars." The western media has largely overlooked this important aspect of the June 12 elections for the Iranian presidency. In the past four years, the red lines that confine artistic production in Iran have blurred and sharpened intermittently, inhibiting Iranian visual and literary cultural life. Director Tahmineh Milani's latest film, "Settlement," has been banned. The books of Sadeq Hedayat, perhaps Iran's most eminent fiction writer who died in 1951, can no longer be published. The translation of Gabriel Garcia Marquez's latest novel never saw the light of day. Many writers and filmmakers simply don't get permits to publish and distribute their work. Responding to the growing criticism, Iran's Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, Safar Harandi has urged more self-censorship. Iranian artists have at times been targeted as "spies" for western powers, and it has become
increasingly difficult for Iranian-American and western artists and art scholars to interact with their Iranian counterparts.

Meanwhile, the deterioration of Iran's foreign relations under President Ahmadinejad has hampered the cultural diplomacy initiatives undertaken by his predecessor, Mohammad Khatami. At the time, Iran experienced a cultural opening some dubbed Iran's "glasnost." One of Iran's leading museums, the Tehran Museum of Contemporary Art (TMOCA) hosted exhibitions co-organized with European cultural organizations, like a Gerhard Richter show and an exhibition of twentieth century British sculpture that included works by Damien Hirst and Mona Hatoum. TMOCA organized acclaimed exhibitions of contemporary Iranian art, curated by such leading figures as Faryar Javaherian, which included works by Iranian exiled artists like Shirin Neshat and Siah Armajani. In 2003, TMOCA hosted a major retrospective of Parviz Tanavoli's sculpture; the work of Iran's preeminent sculptor had not been widely shown in Iran since 1979. TMOCA regularly hosted symposia that included western art critics and scholars. In
his last exhibition after the election of President Ahmadinejad, Dr. Sami Azar, the outgoing director of the museum, mounted a major show of TMOCA's western contemporary art, the largest collection of its kind held outside of Europe and the United States. As Ahmadinejad took over the presidency, thousands of Iranians passed through the museum each day looking at paintings by Andy Warhol, Francis Bacon, and Jackson Pollock.

An Artist as Mr. President?

Some of the optimism conveyed by Iran's culture workers at the prospect of a Mousavi presidency is clearly based on his background as a respected architect and painter. In the 1960s, Mir Hossein Mousavi studied at one of Iran's top architecture departments at the Melli University. Well versed in eastern philosophies and theories of western modern art, his early paintings were abstract expressionist works. In the 1960s and '70s, his architectural drawings and paintings were regularly exhibited in Ghandriz Gallery, known for promoting young contemporary artists, especially those experimenting with abstract expressionism. He used oil and gouache combined with mixed media to produce simple yet beautiful paintings.

In a pamphlet produced for a February 1968 exhibition of his art at Ghandriz Gallery, Mousavi wrote a rather philosophical essay on art and society. Art, he wrote, can never replace social movements and "the paint brush will never take the place of the communal struggle for freedom. It must be said that the expressive work of any painter or artist will not minimize the need to perform his social responsibilities. Yet it is within the scope of these responsibilities that his art can provide a vision for a way of living in an alternative future."

By 1979, Mousavi was one of the leaders of the Islamic Republic Party. Soon after the revolution, he became the editor of the party's chief newspaper, Jumhuriy-eh Islami . Not long after the nascent revolutionary government took over TMOCA, his newspaper published a scathing critique of an exhibition of works by the artist Nicky Nodjoumi in which a particular understanding of the relationship between art and society was articulated. The ultimate aim of any artist, the newspaper declared, must be to encourage people to strive to seek spiritual values. The artist must produce a pure art unburdened with concerns of race, tribalism, class and political parties. Such an art is the ink, the lifeblood of the revolution -- and can help the people reach for the divine, seek righteous values and nurture positive cultural investments in society.

In the fall of 1981, Mousavi became the prime minister of Iran, a position he held until 1989 when it was constitutionally dissolved. He is remembered fondly for having helped lead the country through the treacherous Iran-Iraq War, creating a ration system that allowed a fair distribution of basic goods for Iranians facing the double impact of the war and an international sanctions regime. It was also during the war that Iran undertook "The Sacred Defense," the mobilization of the home front that drew heavily on cultural production -- films, television serials, wall art and posters, painting and literature -- to create support for the long and painful war that devastated so many Iranians' lives. It is unclear what role the artist-as-prime minister had in shaping that official cultural narrative which, throughout the 1980s, largely supplanted alternative artistic visions.

Mousavi left political office in August 1989, but he did not leave the government. As he told the Financial Times in April of this year, "I was interested in culture, which is why I shifted to cultural activities. Of course during this period I was [an] advisor to the top authorities. I have also been a member of the High Council for Cultural Revolution and the Expediency Council. The positions necessitated that I follow political and executive issues." [i] The genesis of the Cultural Revolution goes back to the campus wars between various student groups during and immediately following the 1979 Revolution. By 1980, the Islamic student groups had the official backing of the Ayatollah Khomeini who appointed the original members of the High Council for Cultural Revolution; their chief objective was the Islamization of Iran's universities. By 1996, the nature of the organization shifted. According to its website, "In this stage the Council was entrusted with responsibility to give
priority to the cultural management of the society in various arenas and through appropriate policy making pave the way for emergence of a society benefited from Devine [sic] blessings." [ii]

Mir-Hossein Mousavi is also the head of the Iranian Academy of the Arts, created by the High Council of the Cultural Revolution in 1998. According to the statutes of the Academy, its purpose is to carry out policies and implement strategies to safeguard and promote Islamic and national art and cultural heritage and to "confront the threats of the invading culture." The activities of the academy are broad, its organizational structure expansive, and its accomplishments noteworthy. It has various departments including those dedicated to the traditional arts, cinema, music, philosophy and architecture. It also supports research groups on topics like the Anthropology of Art, and serves as a clearing house for scholars of Iranian culture from around the world. It publishes books and journals on various aspects of Iranian culture. The academy oversees several cultural organizations such as Saba Cultural and Artistic Institute and the Museum of Contemporary Art of Palestine. It also
organizes major international exhibitions of contemporary Islamic art.

Reading Tea Leaves: What Will Become of Iranian Cultural Life in a Mousavi Presidency?

Taking account of Mousavi's art, his writings on art, and his work as a leading art administrator, there is reason to be hopeful that we would witness another Iranian glasnost during his presidency. Though he was a member of the Cultural Revolution's council, which hardly bodes well for those invested in artistic and intellectual freedoms, he has by some accounts taken a very passive role in recent years. Certainly, his fiery denunciations of Ahmadinejad suggest there will be a break from the status quo.

His wife, Dr. Zahra Rahnavard, is also an artist, holding bachelors and masters degrees in Art from Tehran University. Her works have been incorporated into public spaces in Tehran. In an interview with PBS while she was still the Chancellor of Al-Zahra University and an advisor to President Khatami, she explained, "Because of my artistic character I can approach politics in a more poetic and free way." Describing her home life, which has received considerable attention in the presidential campaign, she said, "The atmosphere in our family is very complex -- art, religion, politics, sports and happiness co-exist." [iii] Perhaps those thousands campaigning so vigorously and hopefully for her husband are hoping that this same atmosphere can be expanded to encompass all of Iran, "oh bejeweled land."

Endnotes
[1] "FT Interview: Mir-Hossein Moussavi," April 13, 2009, www.ft.com . Mousavi has been a member of the Expediency Council that serves mainly as an advisory role for the Supreme Leader since 1997.
[2] Secretariat of Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution, http://www.iranculture.org/en/about/tarikh.php
[3] Rahnavard was featured in the series "Adventure Divas," http://www.adventuredivas.com/divas/iran/zahra-rahnavard/

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(By Shiva Balaghi; Received by email communication)

Date: June 13, 2009

Dear friends,

Below, I've compiled some information on what's happening in Iran
today from various sources...

Something's happening here…And by now, it's pretty clear what we are
witnessing in Iran. No one can claim that the elections for President
of Iran are indicative of a genuine democracy. Still, within the very
narrow field of candidates that are allowed to run for office within
highly regulated elections, there has been some fluidity. This allowed
the IRI to have a safety valve, allowing some modicum of participatory
government. This completely rigged election that reinstated a highly
unpopular president has now shown deep cleavages within the ruling
classes of Iran.

Long before it could have been feasible to actually count votes,
Ahmadinejad claimed a landslide victory in the June 12 presidential
elections. Iranian presidential elections are determined by simple
majority. Hours before the last polls closed (in LA), the official
count was giving Ahmadinejad an insurmountable lead in the 60%s.

The Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei issued a public statement that
with nearly 80% of the electorate casting votes, the winning candidate
has received 24m votes in this magnificent and beautiful presidential
elections. This is a genuine celebration that our enemies are seeking
to undermine; they want to steal the sweetness of this victory from
our people, so our dear youth must be completely alert and all
candidates must refrain from any provocative words or actions. Given
that the Supreme Leaders is the final power over Iran's judiciary and
military forces, his statement essentially blocks off any appeal
process and signals whose supporters will be receiving the butt end of
batons.

The Ministry of Interior is charged with overseeing the election
process. Last night, according to news reports, several officials of
that ministry protested the way election results were being announced;
however, links to these Iranian press reports were blocked on the
internet.

Mousavi's spokesman claims he received word from the Ministry of
Interior that he had won the elections and had already begun
preparations for a large celebration on Sunday. His campaign offices
in north Tehran were attacked and several of his campaign workers were
hospitalized. He has announced a press conference at 2 pm Tehran time,
but it is unclear if he will be allowed to do this. The director
Mohsen Makhmalbaf announced from Paris that he was the spokesperson
for Mousavi outside of Iran. By some estimates, Mousavi gained 80% of
overseas votes with Iranians voting in England, N Korea, Iraq, US,
Australia, etc.

Days before the election took place, the Revolutionary Guard warned
against a "velvet revolution" in Iran… This has become the code phrase
used whenever scholars, artists, fashion designers, medical
researchers, women's rights activists, students, and union organizers
are rounded up and thrown in prison. It signaled, more strongly than
anything else, that the thousands who were peacefully protesting for
Mousavi in the run up the election were going to become targets of the
security forces.

Protestors are taking to the streets and their computers. Though the
IRI has shut down SMS texting, a regular tool used for campaigning and
election monitoring in Iran, street protestors are using their cell
phones to take pictures and videos that they download. Several youtube
videos show major protests in Tehran's largest thoroughfares,
including Vali Asr Street and Vanak Square. Many protestors are seen
wearing green, throwing stones, setting bonfires to stop traffick. In
one demonstration, streetsweepers join the crowds who chant,
"Streetsweeping brothers, pick up Mahmoud and haul him off!"

In photos taken at 6 pm local time in Tehran, we see hundreds of riot
police in full gear throwing tear gas into the crowds with batons in
hand. According to some reports, the riot police are gearing up for an
aggressive offensive after dark.

The IRI is quickly closing off media websites, including the BBC
Persian service.

Speaking from Ramallah, the esteemed Jimmy Carter—known for monitoring
elections worldwide—said he hoped in his second term, Ahmadinejad
would moderate his positions. Hamas welcomed Ahmadinejad's victory,
while several Israeli politicians already announced that his
reelections signals a need for external forces to intervene.

The US media has been horrible in its coverage of the elections and
its aftermath. NPR had more coverage of the European soccer last night
of the Stanley Cup this morning. The Washington Post had an
Arab-American journalist who knows no Persian doing a live chat that
turned out to be flimsy and completely uninformative. Even Keith
Olbermann had a sleepy dude from the New America Foundation on …
without even bothering to explain what his credentials as an Iran
expert are. With an estimated 750k Iranians living in the US and
several major academic organizations devoted to Iranian Studies, the
unwillingness and inability of the US media to cover these elections
properly is truly indicative of a larger problem in Irano-US
relations. It's shameful and embarrassing. Even Canada dropped the
ball on this one with a major paper in Montreal putting out its canned
piece on how the elections in Iran were a sign of genuine democracy…


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Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
------------
Jewish Peace News archive and blog: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com
------------
Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to http://www.jewishpeacenews.net

Thursday, June 11, 2009

Gideon Levy: Meanwhile, back in Israel

Gideon Levy's new column reviews what's happening in Israel since Obama's speech. It reads almost like a parody, so absurd are the actions of Israel's government. For instance, a Cabinet minister is proposing that Israel impose sanctions on the U.S. (for details on his proposal, including his suggestion that Israel sell sensitive military arms & equipment internationally against the U.S. government's wishes, see this article: http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1244371046569&pagename=JPost/JPArticle/ShowFull)

I recommend reading Levy's column twice. It might take an extra read for the morally corrupt and extremely ominous decision-making to sink in.

Sarah Anne

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1092075.html

Meanwhile, back in Israel

By Gideon Levy

So let's take a look at what's happening in our country after U.S. President Barack Obama's speech. A historic speech like his was supposed to make waves in Israel, stimulate discussion and spark debate. And here is what has happened: Our own Barak, Defense Minister Ehud, who used to be considered at least as brilliant as Obama, told Etgar Keret in an interview with Haaretz yesterday: "Where does the [Palestinian nation] live? In a cage? A jail? A swimming pool?" And Barak's own answer to this question: "It lives in its country."

After the prime minister's top diplomatic adviser determined that two states is a childish solution, along comes another statesman and determines that we're all children. Stupid children, it must be said, to whom you can sell any bit of nonsense, including all the nonsense in that interview.

The Palestinians, who cannot travel from one village to another without permission from Israel, who have no basic human rights and who have been trampled underfoot, humiliated and imprisoned without any sign of sovereignty, are already living as a free people in their country. If the defense minister really thinks so, then there is grave cause for concern: Mr. Security is deranged and has lost touch with reality. If he doesn't think so, then he's messing with us. Which is worse?

In yesterday's Haaretz there is also an interview by Klil Zisapel with President Shimon Peres. Out of respect for his name and status we will not quote here all the nonsense he had to say about concealing the Nakba - the Palestinians' catastrophe of 1948. We shall only mention that he replied to the question with the sentence: "Nanotechnology existed in the days of Moses." Apparently Obama's speech did make waves. Now Peres, too, is a nano-statesman. Another small businessman, Interior Minister Eli Yishai, is working to change the law so he will be able to revoke Israeli Arabs' citizenship. A representative of the oppressed classes, he also says that millions of shekels should be allocated to settlements in the territories which, he says, have been suffering "discrimination" for many years. Neither Yeruham nor Rahat, neither Bnei Brak nor Sakhnin - Efrat, of all places.

The Ministerial Committee on Legislation has proposed a law: three years in prison for commemorating the Nakba. Communities in the Segev Bloc in the Galilee are demanding a loyalty oath to Zionism as a condition for living there. And what's next on the slippery slope?

Ze'ev Braude, a Jewish settler in the West Bank who shot Palestinians in view of the cameras, will not be put on trial; the prosecution's justifications are convoluted. National Union MK David Rotem and Yisrael Beiteinu MK Uri Ariel, members of nationalist-racist parties, both of them residents of settlements the United States and the world call illegitimate, are the Knesset's representatives on the committee for selecting judges.

An attempted attack by Palestinians on horseback, or maybe muleback, is depicted in the media as a prevented mega-terror attack, a consequence of the smuggling of sophisticated and advanced Iranian weaponry through the tunnels, which we are being told about in horror day and night.

El Al is apologizing for having called the fence a "separation wall," as though it were a department of the Foreign Ministry; the prime minister is saying that the demand to freeze natural growth in the settlements is "not fair," as though it were possible to talk about fairness when discussing the settlements. The opposition leader, Kadima MK Tzipi Livni, is refraining from saying whether she would freeze the settlements, between shopping trips at the swanky boutiques of Tel Aviv's Hamedina Square, as frequently reported in the gossip columns. She is improving her physical appearance beyond all recognition, but she is behaving as though she were the leader of the opposition in Luxembourg.

Minister without Portfolio Yossi Peled (yes, he too is a minister) is proposing that Israel impose sanctions on the United States, like the mouse that roared; National Union MK Michael Ben Ari, an avowed Kahanist and a roarer as well, at Israel Defense Forces soldiers, is proposing a pathetic evacuation of some piddling outpost. Dudu Topaz is more interesting than Obama. Everyone is competing on who can jab the dagger deepest into his flesh as he writhes in the town square.

Not enough? Someone has murdered an egg-laying she-turtle weighing 60 kilograms because she annoyed his dog. Demonstrations? Only over opening a parking lot on the Sabbath. Serious discussion? Only about value added tax on cucumbers.

The cucumber season is in full swing, despite Obama's challenge. Nevertheless, you have to be happy: The top people are running from Jacob Perry's wedding to the bar mitzvah of businessman Roni Maneh's son. Thus the U.S. president has been told: It's a waste of your time. There's no one to talk to in Israel. Talking isn't going to do it. And let's hang a sign on our door: Please do not disturb - we're busy.


................................................................
--------
Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
------------
Jewish Peace News archive and blog: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com
------------
Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to http://www.jewishpeacenews.net

Saturday, June 6, 2009

What did he say?

Below is a selection of views-from-the-left of US President Obama's June 4th speech at Cairo University.

Joel Beinin, who is one of our contributing editors, commented on the talk (by email communication) for the Jewish Voice for Peace (http://www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org/), "a diverse and democratic community of activists inspired by Jewish tradition to work together for peace, social justice, and human rights. We support the aspirations of Israelis and Palestinians for security and self-determination."

The second, quite critical account comes (by email communication) from veteran Israeli peace activist and analyst, Reuven Kaminer.

Three additional Israeli academics and activists, Nurit Peled, Neve Gordon and Ilan Pappe, commented on the speech at the request of the Russel Tribunal on Palestine. For full information on the Russel Tribunal see: http://www.russelltribunalonpalestine.net/. The Tribunal is "a civic initiative promoting international law as the core element of the Israeli-Palestinian issue" and commenced following "an appeal from Ken Coates, Nurit Peled, and Leila Shahid, and with the support of over a hundred well-known international personalities. ... Through a decentralised functioning, the organisation of public sessions and other public events, the organisation of a Russell Tribunal on Palestine is designed as a large communication event, with widespread media coverage over the tribunal and its outcomes. Indeed, the Russell Tribunal on Palestine having no official mandate, its impact rests on its ability to mobilise public opinion, so that the latter puts pressure on governments to obtain that
they change their policies in the ways that are necessary to reach a just and lasting peace in the Middle East."

The last piece is a letter (by email communication) to supporters of Code Pink (http://www.codepinkalert.org/) "a women-initiated grassroots peace and social justice movement" of "people who want to influence a shift in the focus of world society from militarism to life-affirming endeavors". Code Pink delegations are currently in Gaza, Egypt and Israel; their partner in Israel is the Coalition of Women for Peace (http://coalitionofwomen.org/home/english) with which they are co-organizing "10 Days of Activism Against the Siege on Gaza".

Rela Mazali

----------------------------------------------------

We've asked Prof. Joel Beinin, Donald J. McLachlan Professor of History and Middle East History at Stanford University, to give us his impression on President Obama's speech in Cairo today. We're sharing his response with you.

An articulate and charismatic President of the United States named Barack Hussein Obama giving a speech at Cairo University co-sponsored by al-Azhar, the most eminent institution of Muslim learning - now that's a new picture. Its enormous symbolic value is President Obama's biggest asset as he implements policy on the entire range of difficult issues he mentioned. The President stated, "Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail." This is an excellent basis for resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

The President did not provide details on how the conflict should be resolved beyond general support for "two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security." But the meaning of this formulation is now contested due to its empty repetition by presidents and prime ministers whose actions and inactions have undermined it. Instead President Obama emphasized U.S. rejection of "the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements," saying nothing about the future of those settlements already existing and their nearly 500,000 inhabitants. By limiting himself to an apparently pragmatic "first step," President Obama may have made his task harder. If he does not produce concrete results very soon on this limited, albeit it absolutely necessary, measure, then the potential value of his fine words in Cairo will soon diminish.

Joel Beinin

June 4, 2009
Stanford, CA

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For Unrestricted Distribution Excuse Multiple Posting
From the desk of Reuven Kaminer June 5, 2009

The Constantly Widening Gap Between Words and Deeds

There are political circles and commentators who live from minute to minute. For them, every squeak from a world leader is a virtual earthquake, a real revolution. This is especially true now that we are dealing with a US president, who is handsome, articulate and even eloquent. The present level of manipulated excitement stems from the non-revelation that Barak Obama is against settlements and for the two state solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He also sees importance in improving the tainted image of the United States in the Arab and Moslem worlds. Now who can ask for anything more?

It is not that I disregard the significance of declarations but these must be carefully sifted so as to distinguish changes in the usual discourse. Repetition of old and pious wishes means little, while the appearance or disappearance of different formulations and elements is worth attention. But even before seeing how Obama is stacking up to his recent declarations, seen in Israel as criticism of Israeli policy, there is one new Obama element which demands urgent analysis.

The Normalization Gambit

Obama has added a new, problematic, and dangerous dimension to the formula for the solution of the conflict. He has called on both the Palestinians and the Arab countries to take immediate steps, before the conclusion of peace with Israel, so as to normalize their relations with Israel. Now this demand is quite embarrassing for the so-called moderate pro-USA, Arab countries which already maintain a high level of geo-political coordination with Israel despite the occupation. Moreover, Obama's demand that an occupied people, the Palestinians, who are denied the most basic of rights to their very existence, should take steps normalizing their relations with the occupying power as a condition for reaching a peace agreement is ludicrous, to say the least. This idea, coming from Obama, may indicate a certain lack of understanding of the conflict. Any expression of moderation by the Palestinians has always been interpreted by Israel and its allies as a sign of weakness, and full scale
normalization in the region before peace will become the ultimate proof for the Israeli argument that the occupation is no barrier to peace.

This scandalous demand for pre-peace normalization is cause for concern that regional normalization meets, first and foremost the requirements of US policy, and if normalization before peace and as a condition for peace is inimical to the interests of Israeli-Palestinian peace, then the Palestinians will just have to wait… The Israeli right has already drawn up a long list of confidence measures that it will demand immediately from the Arab world and from the Palestinians. These will be pre conditions for moving forward and Obama will be called on to pay the bill. Is this accidental, or just another escape route from peace that must be available in case of need.

The Outposts Farce – Who is Mocking Whom?

Obama, just like Bush, is against settlements since they are quickly destroying the dwindling territorial base for the establishment of a Palestinian entity. The area under discussion is a mere 22% of Palestine and choking it with literally hundreds of towns and villages is designed to wipe out a country and a people, literally to wipe it off the map. The Netanyahu government, like the Olmert government, is a coalition of enthusiastic annexationists, who exploit every opportunity to grab land and drive out the local population. The recent US protests against the settlements should be seen as a request that Israel stop embarrassing Obama on a daily basis, especially when he is busy trying to improve the US image in the Muslim world.
The latest phase of the settlement drive, which resulted in the establishment of a spate of tens of illegal outposts, is spearheaded by groups of crazed, young religious fanatics, known in Israel as "the hilltop youth." They carry IDF issued weapons and recognize no secular authority as they pursue their goal and simply rebuild any of the shanty sites torn down by the IDF. They are enthusiastically backed by the rabbis in the West Bank, who happen to be government employees, and they are the darlings of the right wing politicians. The IDF acts under the assumption that sheet-metal and lumber are the guilty party. The army bulldozes the shanties, declares victory and goes home. The "hilltop youth" rebuild the shanties and are practically immune from prosecution as long as they stick to shanty building (on Arab land) and serial pogroms against the Palestinian farmers in the area.
A few weeks ago, peace activists from the New Profile underwent a degrading police investigation on suspicion that they were encouraging youngsters to question their conscription to an army of occupation and national oppression. The settler rabbis inspire lawlessness and violence against the state, and the settler provocations go on without arrests.
Asides from statements, there is no sign that Obama intends any action against Israeli responsibility for the outposts and the "natural growth" of the established settlements.

At this point, we have to go back to square one. In its essence, the occupation is not a purely Israeli affair, but a joint US-Israeli project. Indeed, the management is local, but ownership belongs to the US as the financial backer and the provider of the political and military cover for the operation. The United States owns this occupation and is morally and politically responsible for the continued violent repression of the most basic Palestinian rights.

At this point, Netanyahu still fears the settlers more than he fears Obama, unless Obama gets serious. He may move against the outposts only to demonstrate that this is a tremendously difficult and politically costly action. He has reasonable hopes of modifying Obama's ban on natural growth, as long as Obama is not clear that the settlements themselves must be dismantled and not "regulated." The very existence of any settlement over the 1967 border is illegal, and should be summarily dismantled. This would solve the natural growth dilemma.

So far, Netanyahu is a bit worried, along with Barak. His plan it to drag out the whole matter until the US loses interest or prefers to avoid any confrontation with Israel. This tactic, it must be noted, has succeeded in the past.

Obama in Cairo

It is to be feared that Obama's "dramatic" speech to the Islamic and Arab worlds has more to do with cosmetics than with politics. Obama is certainly right about the need to improve the image of the United States but, alas, this is not a matter of rhetoric.
The Washington DC, Riyad, Cairo triangle is one of those decaying power alliances that holds the fort for the United States. Obama's Middle East partners are not squeamish about torture and jail for their opponents who dare to act up. Mubarak and the Saudi king, Abdullah, are the heads of reactionary, brutal regimes. Of course, they are bastards but they are Obama's bastards - so what else is new? Even speechwise, there was very little of new substance in the Cairo spiel. Especially, if you were at Annapolis.

Once again, we are struck with the gap beween words and action. Obama's propaganda team is working overtime to present the current problems in a limited and almost meaningless framework. So let's get it clear for the n'th time. The twenty-two outposts are not the problem, nor is the need to restrict the "natural growth" in the more established settlements. The problem is not the lack of an indeterminate, endless peace process. The problem is not even the need that Netanyahu adopt the Olmert-Bush two state formula. Are we to become excited at the prospect that Obama might nudge Netanyahu back to the negotiating table? Aw, come on!
Even in his strongest suit, rhetoric, Obama is way off base. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not a conflict between two overzealous national formations that must learn manners and civility from the international community and its leader. Israel, based on the unique advantages of the military, political and economic support of the United States has been skimming off Palestinian rights and land for more than forty years as commission for its pro-US services. Obama is not an honest broker, he is not even a biased broker. He is a side to the conflict and he will be one until he, openly and clearly, makes a commitment to cut off the funds and the guns which implement policies that he opposes – ostensibly.

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http://www.russelltribunalonpalestine.net/article-32315993.html

Nurit Peled:

Well I enjoyed it tremendously. It was, like all his other speeches, a breath of fresh air. This man is honest, educated, extremely eloquent, extremely human, determined to do the right thing and has the best interest of people at heart.

The only thing that bothered me was that whereas he spoke of Violent Muslim extremists around the world, emphasising these were a potent minority of Muslims, He declared that Palestinians must abandon violence, as if all Palestinian are violent, as if this is their way of dealing with the problems, while we all know that most PAlestinians are not violent, dont have weapons and resist the occupation in non violent ways that should have been admired by such a man. Also, he did not use the word violence even once when describing Israel's conduct, instaed he limited himself to the settlelemts and the general evil of occupation.
But this is a marginal remark. I do believe he means business and will force the Israeli government to stop lying and do the right thing.

Neve Gordon:

President Obama is a great orator and, at least ostensibly, his Cairo speech does signify a change in US foreign policy in the Middle East. I would like to pause, however, on one sentence, the one in which he declares that the US "will not accept the legitimacy of continued settlement activity" in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. I wonder why Obama inserted the word "continued" into the sentence and how does this word change the meaning of the phrase.

The word continued could refer to the illegitimacy of continued settlement growth, it could mean the illegitimacy of the ongoing settlement project, etc. The purpose of the word continued is accordingly not to clarify, but rather to render the meaning of the sentence unclear, imprecise. In a speech where every word is examined again and again, this is not an accident. If Obama had not inserted the word continued in the speech, everyone would know that in his opinion the settlement project as a whole is illegitimate, but he chose to be vague even if this is in fact what he thinks.

At the end of the day, though, it is less the words that count, and more the actions. Israel does not intend to freeze the settlement build-up nor is it going, of its own free will, to dismantle the illegal settlements and bring the settlers back home. The question, then, is what Obama will do. Will he exert enough pressure to save Israel from itself? Or will he allow, following his predecessors, to become a full blown Apartheid regime?

Ilan Pappé:

The speech was refreshing in its music and tone. It was impressive to hear reference to Iran not as a demonised entity and to learn that the USA is in no need anymore for such demons in order to define itself and its role in the world.

I was impressed with the reference to the term and concept of Palestine and not a Palestinian state as well to his recognition that Palestinian suffering did not begin in 1967, but at least in 1948.
I noticed, like everyone else, the correct pronunciation of Arabic and the employment of Islamic discourse and how well it was received. However, although it won accolades in the hall, I doubt whether it would satisfy people around the Muslim world. Many of them would wait for deeds and would be less impressed by gestures.

But on the whole, I have to admit that I was not disappointed, as I did not expect much. The substantial issues were not included in the speech, and I did not expect them to be. Even the settlements appeared only as illegitimate if they are continued, while their very existence is illegitimate. If the deal is, as one gathers from Rahm Emmanuel, is an America willingness to replace a Netanyahu government by a Livni government in return for endorsing systematic human rights violations in the Arab world, it means that cynicism still reigns. The Palestine issue would not be solved, human rights issues would not be improved and the destruction and dispossession of Palestine would continue.

But let us speak sweetly as we may have to eat our words, hopefully in this case. Whether this was a charade or a genuine opening of a new chapter only deeds and time would tell. Can Obama at all oppose Israel's source of power: the Congress? If he can, this is a different ball game.

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June 5, 2009

As President Obama delivered his much-anticipated speech to the Arab and Muslim world in Cairo yesterday, millions worldwide watched from home, journalists analyzed word for word, and thousands crowded around Cairo University. But only one group was present outside the university--CODEPINK was there with a giant pink banner reading "Obama Stop Funding Israeli War Crimes" (in English and Arabic), ready to deliver a letter from Hamas to Obama and 10,000 signatures calling on Obama to visit Gaza.

Members of CODEPINK's extraordinary delegations of 175 people were delivering a ground-breaking letter from Hamas to Obama (read the letter here) via the U.S. Embassy in Cairo urging Obama to visit Gaza and calling for talks with all parties based on mutual respect and international law. As delegate Philip Weiss writes in his blog, "But such is the stranglehold of the Israel lobby on our politics... Everyone else is feckless, and so a group of pink-swathed feminists who joke with the Hamas security about their scary beards have become players."

CODEPINK was able to deliver the petition and the letter to the US Embassy in Egypt. The current peace delegations--entering Gaza through Israel and Egypt--have been busy building three pink playgrounds, delivering toys and aid to the children of Gaza.

See the photos of the playground and letter delivery!
Read more press coverage about the Gaza delegations here and the Hamas letter delivery here.

Follow us on Twitter and get up-to-the-minute delegation action updates!
Read blogs from our delegates here!
Thank you for supporting this much needed work in Gaza. You can continue to fund these projects. Click here to find out how.

In peace,
Allison, Audrey, Blaine, Dana, Desiree, Farida, Gael, Gayle, Janna, Janet, Jean, Jodie, Liz, Lori, Lydia, Medea, Nancy, Pam, Paris, Rae and Tighe


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Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
------------
Jewish Peace News archive and blog: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com
------------
Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to http://www.jewishpeacenews.net

Monday, June 1, 2009

Article by Medea Benjamin, and resistance efforts in Israel/Palestine on the anniversary of the '67 occupation

So far, no high official of the current US administration has visited Gaza. Additionally, points out
Medea Benjamin, Obama has set conditions for any contact with Hamas which are completely one-
sided and counter productive.
It's time for Obama to abide by his own stipulation - that it's important to talk to everyone without
preconditions - and apply it to Gaza and Hamas. It's also important that he sees what US weapons
have been used for in the last winter assault on Gaza, as well as to witness the results of the inhumane
blockade on Gaza's population.
Code Pink has initiated a petition we can all sign, to pressure Obama to visit Gaza.

Additionally, I'm sending a post by the Israeli Coalition of Women for Just Peace, in collaboration
with Code Pink and the Coalition Against the Siege. It gives a glimpse into the varied acts of of
resistance taking place around the 42 anniversary of the '67 War, and is titled
Action Days Against Siege and Occupation.

Racheli Gai.


http://www.commondreams.org/view/2009/05/29


Medea Benjamin: During His Trip to Egypt, Obama Should Visit Gaza

Friday, May 29, 2009


Obama will give a major policy talk at Cairo University on June 4, intended to start mending the rift between the United States and the Arab world. During the Bush years, many Arabs turned against the United States because of the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as the abuses at Guantanamo and Abu Graib. But the issue that is really at the crux of the tensions with the United States is the intractable conflict between Israel and Palestine, and what many perceive as a one-sided U.S. policy in support of Israel.

The Obama administration has taken a positive stand on the Israeli settlements, calling for a complete freeze. "[Obama] wants to see a stop to settlements — not some settlements, not outposts, not 'natural growth' exceptions," Secretary of State Hillary Clinton recently told reporters.

But the administration has said almost nothing about the devastating Israeli invasion of Gaza that left over 1,300 dead, including some 400 children. To many in the Middle East, this is an unfortunate continuation of past policies that condemn the loss of innocent Israeli lives, but refuse to speak out against the disproportionately greater loss of Palestinian lives at the hands of the Israeli military.

The Israeli invasion of Gaza began on December 27, 2008, when Obama had just won the election but had not yet taken office. While he spoke out against the November 26 Mumbai terrorism attack, he refused to even call for a ceasefire in Gaza, saying coldly, "When it comes to foreign affairs it is particularly important to adhere to the principle of one president at a time."

Once inaugurated, Obama appointed George Mitchell as a special peace envoy and immediately sent him on a "listening tour" to key places in the Middle East—except Gaza. Mitchell returned for a second trip to the region in late February, visiting Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Israel and the West Bank but once again bypassing Gaza. The same thing happened on his third trip in April.

Hillary Clinton has never visited war-torn Gaza. She promised $300 million for rebuilding, but the aid won't get to Gaza as long as the administration insists on dealing only with Mahmoud Abbas and his Palestinian Authority in the West Bank while shunning Hamas, which controls Gaza and was democratically elected.

Obama won great support from the American people during the presidential campaign when he said that America must talk to its adversaries, without preconditions. But his administration now puts ridiculous conditions on talking to Hamas: It must recognize Israel, renounce violence and accept previous international agreements. Israel, on the other hand, does not have to recognize Palestine, renounce violence or abide by past agreements. Putting preconditions on just one side of the conflict makes it impossible to move a peace process forward.

While Obama prepares for his trip to the Middle East, more than 150 people—mostly Americans—are trying to enter war-torn Gaza through both the Egyptian and Israeli borders. Organized under the umbrella of the peace group CODEPINK, this is the largest group of Americans to travel to Gaza since the siege began.

The delegations, invited by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), are bringing medicines, toys, school supplies and playground building materials. An estimated 1,346 Gazan children were left without one or more of their parents as a result of the Israeli assault and the majority were left traumatized and depressed.

That's why the peace group CODEPINK has launched an international petition (see www.codepinkalert.org) calling on Obama to visit Gaza and see for himself the devastation and deprivation that continues to plague the region's 1.5 million people almost 6 months after the invasion. Just this week, Obama just tacked a new stop to his upcoming Middle Eastern visit: Saudi Arabia. If he can make room for a private dinner with the King, then surely he can find the time to go to Gaza. Isn't it more important for Obama to visit a region where 1,300 people have recently been killed and thousands of homes, schools and mosques destroyed? Isn't it more important for him to see how the Israelis are using the yearly $3 billion in military aid from U.S taxpayers?

Obama should take the opportunity, during this visit to Egypt next week, to visit Gaza. He should express his condolences for the loss of so many innocent lives, call for a lifting of the inhumane siege that continues to imprison an entire population, and support an investigation of how U.S. military funds to Israel are being spent.

Those actions, more than any fine words he may speak during his talk at Cairo University, will do wonders to repairs our relations with the Arab world that were so tattered during the Bush years.

Medea Benjamin (medea@globalexchange.org) is cofounder of Global Exchange (www.globalexchange.org) and CODEPINK: Women for Peace (www.codepinkalert.org).

================================================================


Free Gaza
Action Days against the Siege and Occupation
5-14.6.2009
Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and Gaza Border

Coalition of Women for Peace with Code Pink and the Coalition against the Siege

A million and a half residents of the Gaza Strip have been suffering for years from ongoing siege and Israeli assaults, which peaked in the recent War. Israel's severe military aggression has become possible due to a gradual process of isolating Gaza – politically, geographically, economically and socially. While Israel portrayed the disengagement as if it were the end of occupation, it actually made Gaza into the largest prison on earth.

The Gaza Strip was occupied by Israel in 1967, along with the West Bank. Its residents are part of the Palestinian people which lost their lands in 1948. Since then, the state of Israel persists and intensifies its control over the Palestinians. By doing so Israel confirms that the Nakba is not yet over. Ending the occupation, lifting the siege and realizing the right of return are all vital elements in achieving a just peace.

Join us in action!

Saturday, 6.6 – Tel Aviv
18:00 large demonstration against the occupation, marking 42 years to 1967, with a large coalition against the occupation

Sunday 7.6, Monday 8.6, Tuesday 9.6 – Gaza Border

9:00 each morning – Protest actions near Gaza Crossings

· Sunday – Playgrounds for Gaza
· Monday – Convoy of prohibited goods
· Tuesday – Protest against the mass imprisonment of the Gazans

Starting at 15:00 on all three days – lectures and workshops


Sunday
Monday
Tuesday
15:00
The Gaza Strip: Dependence of an isolated enclave (Ruhama Marton, Physicians for Human Rights)
Feminist Perspectives on Political Privileges and Responsibility (Yael Ben Yefet and Inna Michaeli)

Between Gaza, Yaffa and Ramallah – Gaza in the Larger Palestinian Context (Yasmeen Daher)
Restrictions on Freedom of Movement: A Legal Perspective (Tania Hary, Gisha)
For the Return: Against the Siege and the Wall (Raja Zuabi Omari)
Code-Pink Alert: Get to know Code Pink (Code Pink)
17:30
Gaza Today (Lubna Masarwa, Free Gaza Movement)
Jewish – Palestinian Coordinated Feminist Action (Arabiya Mansur)
Corporate Responsibility on the Israeli Occupation (Dalit Baum and Merav Amir)
Everything you always wanted to know (and never dared to ask) about the campaign for BDS (Rachel Giora)
BDS from a Feminist Perspective (Adi Dagan)
The Political Persecution of Palestinians in Israel (Lana Khaskia)
20:30
Opening Panel
Refuse to Serve the Occupation: CO's Panel (Tali Lerner, Bar Rose, Sahar Vardi and Raz Bar David)
Closing Session: Feminist Networks of Action and Knowledge

Wednesday, 10.6
Protest and tours in Jerusalem

Friday, 12.6
Joining Popular Demonstrations against the Wall in Bil'n, Ni'ilin and Ma'asara

Saturday, 13.6
Tour on the Nakba with the Committee for Displaced Refugees

Notice: The workshops will take place at the ecological farm Adamama in Nir Moshe, near Sderot, where camping is optional. 3 Vegan meals a day will be prepared and served on all camping days.

Transportation: There will be a shuttle bus from Sderot Central Station every day (Sunday to Tuesday) at 8 am and 2 pm.
Arriving to Sderot in Public Transportation:
From Tel Aviv: lines 353, 351
From Jerusalem: line 443
From Be'er Sheva: lines 363, 351 and 366

A bus from Tel Aviv to Nir Moshe will leave from Tel Aviv on Saturday, 6.6, after the demonstration.

For logistical reasons, it is essential that you sign up in advance for buses, camping, meals, workshops and tours at: cwp@coalitionofwomen.org
For more information regarding registration please contact Raz Bar David: 052-3730302

We are still seeking people who would be able to host Code Pink delegates in Tel Aviv (5.6 and 12.6) and Jerusalem (10-11.6). Please contact Sahar Vardi if you are willing to do it: saharmvardi@gmail.com, 0545683419

For other queries and question regarding the program:
Eilat – eilat@coalitionofwomen.org 0508575729
Lana – lana.khaskia@gmail.com 0509787894,



Registration Form

Full Name (for individual) or Name of Group ____________________

Number of people ____________________

Telephone and e-mail of contact person: ________________________

Would like to attend (Please mark):
· Workshops on Sunday / Monday / Tuesday
· Tours in Jerusalem
· Nakba Tour in the Galilee

I would like to sleep at the Nir Moshe farm [YES / NO] on the nights of [Saturday / Sunday / Monday / Tuesday]


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Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
------------
Jewish Peace News archive and blog: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com
------------
Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to http://www.jewishpeacenews.net

Sunday, May 31, 2009

An update on New Profile investigation and a request for further support

Here is an update regarding the criminalization of New Profile, putting it in the context of larger steps
by Israeli authorities to suppress freedom of expression.
Support given so far is highly appreciated, but more is needed! -- See below.

Racheli Gai


An update on our investigation and further recommended action

An update on our investigation and further recommended action

Dear Friends and Supporters,

So many have stepped forward to back New Profile during this time. We would like to thank you warmly. This has been deeply meaningful for us. In a truly amazing show of support, you have sent over 5,000 letters to Israel's Attorney General, protesting the criminalization of New Profile, via the Jewish Voice for Peace website. You have, moreover, taken many other actions, as suggested on our website.

We are writing to let you know that your voice is getting through, apparently penetrating the indifference of Israeli authorities. The Israeli Human Rights and Foreign Relations Dept. has sent many of you a formal answer, indicating that they cannot afford to ignore the massive mobilization of New Profile supporters worldwide, and exposing their need to save face

We are writing to ask you to keep up your meaningful work; please stay with us and write the government again (see proposed sample letter below) that you are not convinced by their façade of human rights and legalese. (You can once again do this either through Jewish Voice for Peace or independently, to one of the addresses listed on our website).

An escalating abuse of state power

New Profile is not an isolated case. Eleven New Profile activists were detained or summoned by police for interrogation on trumped up suspicions of incitement and assisting in the obtainment of fraudulent exemptions from the military. For a full month they remained under restrictions and four activists' computers were held by the police. A court case, and even prison sentences, may be in the offing (Check our website soon for ongoing updates).

All of this, however, is part and parcel of the sharply increased scapegoating, intimidation and harassment of Israeli citizens, and especially Palestinian citizens of Israel, who dare to voice opposing opinions. The Association of Civil Rights in Israel notes an escalation of harassment and violence against Left Wing activists by Israeli government authorities and the police since Israel's military incursion into Gaza in December 2008, in an apparent, systematic attempt to silence dissent and stifle political discourse.

Here is a short list of some of the victims and incidents:
1 Samih Jabarin (41) – from Yaffa (Jaffa), is being held under strict house arrest at his parents' home in the city of Um Al Fahim. He is charged with assaulting Chief of the Northern Border Patrol, during a demonstration on no evidence other than the officer's own statement. Jabarin, who is barred from his creative work, his studies, and his normal living environment, also serves as a blatant warning to other activists (see petition in his support).
2 Anarchists Against the Wall - Members of this organization also experience ongoing attempts to oppress their activities against Israel's occupation of Palestine and its inhuman separation wall. Now, more and more, the Israeli military is targeting Israeli citizens, too, in addition to Palestinian and international protesters against the wall with lethal shootings, violent attacks, arrests and detention.
3 Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, is preparing a detailed report (soon to be featured on their website) on police violence against Arab university students who protested Israel's attack on Gaza, violence which was expressly allowed and aided by university authorities. Four of these students, Palestinian citizens of Israel, whom Adalah lawyers are representing, are currently facing charges and trials.
4 Adalah also reports the ongoing detention of some ten activists from the town of Shefamr, in northern Israel, all detained following the attack against Gaza, on suspicion of stone-throwing and/or disturbing the peace.
5 Ezra Nawi, an activist known for his work in South Mt. Hebron, West Bank, is accused of having assaulted a police officer during a demonstration to prevent the demolition of yet another Palestinian home. His ongoing work in the area has brought the plight of the Palestinians into the spotlight and his arrest is an attempt by authorities to silence him.
6 At a demonstration on April 30th, protesting the politicized investigation of New Profile, organized by the Coalition of Women for Peace, Tel Aviv police injured one of the women demonstrating and held eight demonstrators overnight, in a move that the court declared unjustified.

This is just part of the accumulating evidence of Israeli authorities' systematic deployment of police and the military to stifle protest and paralyze civil activism, while terrorizing Palestinian civil society in particular. The repressive, undemocratic state revealed by such practices cannot be hidden by legalistic phrases or respectable-looking letter heads. It is very far from the democracy that Israel claims to be.

Thank you for helping us let Israeli authorities know that their abuses of state power are visible and shameful, while their formalistic claims are unconvincing.

Sincerely,

Rela Mazali and Ruth Hiller,
New Profile

Sample letter

Here is a sample letter to use if you wish:

Dear Mr. Assaf Radzyner , Adv.,

Thank you for responding to my protest against the criminal investigation of New Profile. Despite the explanation offered in this response, it has come to my knowledge that the attempted criminalization of New Profile is merely one case in a process of sharply increased scapegoating, intimidation and harassment of Israeli citizens who dare to voice opposing opinions. I have recently learned of accumulating evidence of Israeli authorities' systematic deployment of police and the military to stifle protest and paralyze civil activism. The repressive, undemocratic state revealed by such practices cannot be hidden by legalistic phrases or respectable-looking letter heads.

Some of the cases that have come to my knowledge include: the imprisonment of Samih Jabarin, police brutality against Anarchists Against the Wall and the Coalition of Women for Peace, the trial against Ezra Nawi and various measures of repression taken against university students, especially Palestinian Israeli citizens, by university authorities and by the police (in Haifa and elsewhere).

I would like to voice my strong protest against this escalating abuse of state power.

Sincerely,


................................................................
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Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
------------
Jewish Peace News archive and blog: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com
------------
Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to http://www.jewishpeacenews.net

Monday, May 18, 2009

Ghost Worlds

Ghost Worlds

To mark the 61st Nakba Day, I attended a tour of the ghosts of former Palestinian villages in Tel Aviv, beautifully organized by Zochrot (www.zochrot.org). In each of the villages we stopped in (Shaykh Muwannis, Summayl, al-Manshiyyah, and Salama, and there are four more: Jammasin al-Gharbi, Abu Kabir, Fisherman's Village and Irsheed), a direct refugee or descendent spoke to us about their former lives.

We stood at the beach, at the site of the Etzel (Irgun) Museum, one of the Jewish terrorist militias (so-called by the likes of Albert Einstein and Hannah Arendt) of the 1930s and 1940s, which shamelessly incorporates the last remains of the only standing Palestinian home of the village into its very structure. They would not allow us inside, we were told, so we could not see what a home in the village would have looked like. The rest of al-Manshiyyah, having been leveled, is now a grassy beach park.

In each village we heard the stories of relatives scattered in every direction of the Palestinian Diaspora: Gaza, Amman, Cairo, Baghdad, Nablus, northern Israel, Lebanon, Canada. The randomness of the results of those frantic choices resonated and overlapped in both familiar and unfamiliar ways with the Jewish Diaspora. Each guide told us how their families had come to leave their land, bringing alive the terror and uncertainty of the years 1947 and 1948, proving how academic are the debates about whether the Palestinians of the region were exiled or fled. Life was made unbearable in various ways, and eventually everyone in the region was pushed further and further south, first to Jaffa itself, then maybe to Gaza or the open sea.

We went to a Muslim cemetery which stands now on the border between Jaffa and Tel Aviv, its graves still occasionally desecrated, the city refusing to allow it to be rehabilitated, still visited by relatives trying to honor their ancestors.

In Shaykh Muwannis, which was on the site of what is now Tel Aviv University, and whose lands included where my mother-in-law's home stands today, we stood at the door of the locked faculty club, which was the only original house left standing by the 1970s. The woman who spoke with us there told us that the cemetery where her grandparents are buried is now inside the nearby Shabak headquarters, and it is impossible to go and pray there.

In central Tel Aviv, a man (originally of Summayl, now of Jaljilya, a town in Israel's "triangle," by way of Jaffa and Nablus) told of his childhood before the Nakba, running through the orchards from home (Ibn Gvirol St) to school (Namir Rd). Those are now solid city blocks, but in his words, "I can see those orchards as clearly as I see you all in front of me now."

This has what has always struck me about Tel Aviv, and all of Israel. There are overlapping worlds inhabiting the same space. One is usually invisible, but it is still here.

As was noted at the beginning of the tour: the Nakba is not a date. It is a process that is ongoing, continuing even through today.

On my way home by taxi from the tour, I heard an interview on the radio celebrating 100 years of "our beloved Tel Aviv." Reprinted from last month's Haaretz below is an essay about the city that has haunted me since I read it, by acclaimed author Yarom Kaniuk. At first it seems like merely an old man's reminiscence about his youth and his city, and the first section may only be of interest to those who know the city well. But it ends with a chilling-- and despite everything--sad prediction of its fate.

--Rebecca Vilkomerson

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1078448.html

The First TelAvivian
By Yoram Kaniuk
Haaretz, April 16th, 2009

Of the Hebrew writers alive today, Haim Gouri is the first native of Tel Aviv, but because he betrayed us by moving to Jerusalem, I have remained the first native Tel Avivian writer. On the day I was born, there were 23,708 rooms in Tel Aviv. The Yekke (German Jewish) falafel vendor on Lasalle Street had not yet arrived in the country. A total of 2,936 trees were planted that year. Aside from me, 2,100 babies were born in 1930, whereas 510 Jews and one non-Jew died. Six hundred and ninety-one people married. Two hundred and ninety-one divorced. There were 16 car accidents and 120 bicycle accidents. Twelve miscarriages were reported, and 16 cases of hysteria, and my father was appointed [mayor] Meir Dizengoff's secretary.

What is it about Tel Aviv that makes it so praiseworthy? Me personally, I am not suited to it: I don't like sun. I don't like summer. I'm a sabra [native Israeli] but I can't stand the sabra fruit; watermelon is okay, but nothing special. Of all the vegetables, my favorite happens to be spinach, which aroused a fair amount of disgust among the city's children. Like everyone else, I used to spend hours at the beach. The father of one of my friends, who had the franchise for renting out beach chairs at Frishman Beach, next to the "Tir" shooting range - where they would fire into the air and kiss on the sand in the dark - would give me a chair for free and I sat with an awning over me like the old people.

During the 11 years that I lived in New York I thought a lot about Tel Aviv, but I invented it in my mind, fixing it permanently as it was when I left. And it's true, I preferred New York. Sometimes I would look at old photos of Tel Aviv, and think that maybe I wasn't born in that city. So why is it that now I like living here so much? I have no idea. One doesn't love a city, one barely loves a woman or a man. When I travel to beautiful and marvelous cities abroad, I place an EKG in the street and it reads zero, and I count the days until I return to Tel Aviv.

I lived in Ramat Hasharon for 14 years, and I don't remember a thing from there. But Tel Aviv flows through my blood. Maybe there is something to it after all? Tel Aviv is the first Hebrew city - before Los Angeles. But precisely because it's Hebrew, and everyone is proud of that fact, most of the signs in the city are written in all kinds of languages that merchants believe to be English. Once there were cafes with lovely names: "Atara," "Snir," "Kankan," "Kassit." Today Cafe Hillel is one of the only cafes with a Hebrew name, written in English, because old man Hillel apparently emigrated to America and served as a soldier under Washington, of blessed memory.

Effervescent city

Tel Aviv is the only city in the world where people died before anyone was born there. In 1902, because of the cholera plague, the Turks forbade burial in Jaffa and the Arabs buried their dead in the place where the Hilton Hotel now stands, next to Independence Park, whereas the Jews bought a plot far from Jaffa, on Trumpeldor St., and began burying their dead in it. A substantial percentage of the people who gave their names to the city's streets are buried in this lovely cemetery, which is therefore both geography and history. Anyone who has gone on a tour of this cemetery, the most beautiful in the city, with my dear friend Shlomo Shva as guide, will not forget the stories of loves and hates buried there.

On Nordau Boulevard, at the corner of Ben Yehuda Street, stood the kiosk of Grin, who was the brother of David Ben-Gurion. Anyone who agreed to curse Ben-Gurion here was given soda with syrup, instead of plain soda water. There was also Berele's kiosk, where my father stopped each day to ask for soda without syrup, before riding his bike to the Tel Aviv Museum, which he ran. My father would wait until Berele said, "Without which syrup, Mr. Kaniuk?"

There were four theaters in Tel Aviv at the time. There was an opera, a philharmonic orchestra and chamber concerts in the museum on Shabbat. There were crazy people who lay down in the street. The greats were strongman Shimon Rudi, who took apart iron chains with his teeth to the illumination of two motorcycle headlights; girls would hang on to his muscles and shout and he would play them to the garmoshka of Shpil, who knew one song but knew it well. The song they sang at the time was "Tel Aviv, a city of roofs and sky and cries of the shoeshine boy," but there was also the weissen kesselach and the alte zachen (old clothes seller) and the milk delivery man, who used to shout "Milk, milk." And there was the ice man, and there was the man who once a year would come with a device like a hand cello, with one string, and inflate the winter blankets that had slept in the closets all summer long.

So what is it about this city that I live in and love to live in? I don't know exactly what. Stockholm is much more beautiful, but for me Stockholm, like Paris, is a church without God. New York is already too big. Copenhagen gets boring after a few days, but remains as beautiful as a queen. Is Tel Aviv beautiful? Yes and no. Most of the houses in Tel Aviv today, to which the leaders of the nation have moved, look like huge cemeteries. If you land at Sde Dov Airport, you see a huge gray cemetery with ugly eight-story houses, a shopping center and a cafe for women and trees that look like little leaves.

Old Tel Aviv is beautiful. It is beautiful in an artificial way. It is old because they decided that it would be a "White City" and the capital of Bauhaus, as it really was once upon a time. So I really love living in old Tel Aviv. That is also where I was born - when Tel Aviv was still a Hebrew dream and my mother taught at the late Gymnasia Herzliya high school, where she also taught the words that Eliezer Ben Yehuda would invent every day.

The small streets of the old city are pleasant. Personal. There are gardens behind the houses. But the houses are so expensive to live in that although I am the oldest of the city's writers and received the great honor of being declared an honored citizen of Tel Aviv, I can't live there in an apartment of my own, so I have to rent.

Young people have always made the city. Then as now. Old people have memories, young people have life before death. Tel Aviv is effervescent. Once effervescent referred to a drink, the way today's national beverage is diet cola, and once they used to drink tzuf (nectar) - so what? Tel Aviv oozes a power of survival that does not exist in any other city I know. It has the pleasantness of transience. It has impulsiveness. It is more of a mistress than a legal wife, and natives of Be'er Sheva count the days until they will be considered Tel Avivians.

A place of birth is not such a big deal. When I was a few days old I was brought to my parents' apartment on Balfour Street, at the corner of Rothschild Boulevard; at the time, perhaps somewhat later, a woman who used to shout a lot committed suicide there. Later I would sit on the balcony, I was 3 years old and I saw the young people singing - back then the rich people didn't live in the Azorei Chen district, in that huge and ugly cemetery - but on Rothschild Boulevard.

A city-state

There were several relatively new Arab villages near Tel Aviv: Someil and Jamusin, and there was the German Sharona. For a while we lived in Kiryat Meir, then the border between Tel Aviv and the Arab world, and my father would walk around at night banging metal cans to chase away the jackals. Today it is Dubnov Street, which hides behind Ibn Gvirol, who was then still a poet. In Sharona we bought butter and cream, they held Nazi parades there that the Arabs of Someil joined.

I got stuck one night in Sheikh Munis; it was my turn to escort two girls from the youth movement - Mahanot Ha'olim - to school, perhaps Seminar Hakibbutzim, and to return them. I said a password. But the Arab boys decided to take care of me. Never mind. I survived. My hand was hurt. One of the boys was hit hard. After years in New York a man stopped me and said, "Do you remember me?" I said, "Maybe you were on the illegal immigrant ship Pan York when I was bringing in immigrants?" And he said, "No, you broke my hand in Somail and I remember." We embraced. I don't remember why. A girlfriend who was with me burst into tears. A policeman stopped to ask if everything was all right and I told him that we had grown up together in Palestine. He didn't know where that was and went on his way, twirling his baton.

Today Tel Aviv is no longer the capital of Zionism as it once was, because Zionism is finally dead. Therefore Tel Aviv, which began as a cemetery, is today an independent city. It is no longer the country's real capital, the capital is now in Hebron or in the Mahane Yehuda market in Jerusalem; today Tel Aviv is a city-state, of the kind that once existed in the world. Florence was not Italy, but a city-state that fought against Venice. And in this city-state there is a special atmosphere. There is the joy of the poor. There is sadness that unfolds while the country is being destroyed.

Today I am old and ill. In the Tel Aviv bubble I can walk anywhere on foot and at the same time sleep peacefully, because the small streets of the city that is now being renewed - but is preserving its short past - are quiet. And you are in the center of the city, near the bustle of everything that in Berlin requires a train journey of almost an hour. I'm not willing to be buried in my city. I will be cremated into the open world. Because to leave a gravestone on the ruins of the Zionist dream seems to me artificial, and sad, and heartbreaking. But my grandmother and grandfather are buried in Trumpeldor and in Nahalat Yitzhak.

I met an old woman at Ichilov Hospital who claims that she lives above the Nahalat Yitzhak cemetery and that she bought a burial plot for herself there, and from her window she sees where she thinks she will live for eternity. There will be no eternity for this city. Tel Aviv almost became the beginning of Zionism and Hebrew culture and it will remain when everything is in ruins and empty of the pampered children who will emigrate from here to Los Angeles. So that I won't be the only one to see Tel Aviv from the air.


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Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
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Jewish Peace News archive and blog: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com
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Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to http://www.jewishpeacenews.net

Sunday, May 17, 2009

Lieberman's party wants to ban Nakba commemorations

On May 14, the annual day for commemorating the Nakba, the catastrophe that befell the Palestinians with the establishment of the state of Israel, Ha'aretz announced the proposal of a new law in Israel banning all commemorations of the Nakba. The law was proposed by Yisrael Beiteinu, the political party of Israel's Foreign Minister, Avigdor Lieberman. The proposed legislation threatens three years imprisonment for anyone who commemorates the Nakba. (http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1085588.html)

Yisrael Beiteinu's party spokesman is quoted as saying that the law intends "to strengthen unity in the state of Israel." That statement, and this proposed law, should set off anti-fascism alarms. In the name of "unity," here is a proposal to criminalize acts of memory, collective identity, and cultural and political expression. In the name of Israel's majority group, this proposal seeks to criminalize memory and memory-makers, effectively criminalizing the group-identity of Israel's largest minority population. The very existence of a culture relies on its memory, which comprises the stories a culture tells about itself. This law would threaten the existence of Palestinians as a remembering, culture-producing, history-bearing people, and would prevent the possibility of Israel becoming a truly pluralistic society where every group's history can be told. And by forbidding the remembering of the Nakba, the law aims to erase the 1948 dispossession of Palestinians - including the
destruction of more than 400 villages, multiple massacres and the creation of more than 700,00 refugees, and the confiscation of thousands of acres of land - even as this same political party's platform threatens another form of dispossession, that is, removing citizenship from Palestinian citizens (http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com/2009/02/growing-trend-toward-fascism.html).

Reports of the proposed law say it will punish anyone who commemorates the Nakba, not just Palestinians. In this way, the proposed law signals other recent developments in Israel, whereby Israeli Jews are being targeted in campaigns aiming to silence their protest, similar to ways in which Palestinians - both inside of Israel and in the occupied Territories - are also targeted for silencing. (For more on this targeting and the recent persecution of the Israeli Jewish group New Profile, see here: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com/2009/05/rela-mazali-israels-war-against-youth.html).

The threat to imprison anyone who commemorates the Nakba is also a reminder that everyone engaged with the state of Israel has an obligation to know and remember the Nakba. A good source for information and commemoration is the Israeli organization "Zochrot," which offers extensive education on the Nakba, both on their website (http://www.zochrot.org/index.php?lang=english) and in actual tours of Palestinian villages destroyed in 1948. Zochrot's "links" page also offers many different sources of information, maps, and testimonies on the Nakba (http://www.zochrot.org/index.php?id=379). Norma Musih of Zochrot writes, "Awareness and recognition of the Nakba by Jewish-Israeli people, and taking responsibility for this tragedy, are essential to ending the struggle and starting a process of reconciliation between the people of Palestine-Israel." (http://www.zochrot.org/index.php?id=642) As an American Jew, I think it's just as important for Americans, and for Jews, to recognize the tragedy
of the Nakba, so that we, too, can understand what Palestinians have suffered and what is at stake for them in this conflict.

Sarah Anne Minkin

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Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
------------
Jewish Peace News archive and blog: http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com
------------
Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to http://www.jewishpeacenews.net